People-Powered Science! Citizen Science in Bradford

On Saturday 9th March, the Constructing Scientific Communities Project visited the National Science and Media Museum in Bradford, for a day of exploring animation and citizen science as part of British Science Week. There were talks, tours, and hands-on activities that brought together the worlds of art, science, and film (with a healthy dose of penguins!).

Project member, and now Head Curator of the Museum, Dr Geoff Belknap introduced visitors to ‘Science Gossip’, a project where volunteers help to tag and classify illustrations in Victorian natural science periodicals, including a range of flora and fauna. Professional Hollywood animator Sydney Padua wowed the crowds with live animation demonstrations that brought to life some of these beautiful creatures, including a rather charming penguin. (Readers of this blog may remember Sydney’s incredible snipe animation on twitter!).

Sydney demonstrating how to animate a penguin before the audience’s eyes! Photo credit: Nathan Buckley.

Visitors were able to learn more about getting involved and volunteering at the museum with Gin Jacobucci, and the day also featured further presentations about citizen science, from two Zooniverse projects based at the University of Oxford. Nora Eisner spoke about ‘Planet Hunters’, a project where members of the public help discover new planets and stars within our Solar System, and beyond. Fiona Jones introduced ‘Penguin Watch’, where volunteers help researchers track changes in penguin populations, by counting adults, chicks, and eggs in satellite images viewed online. Visitors were able to try their hands at counting and classifying with the help of the museum’s explainers—over 100 new classifications were made over the course of the day!

Alongside talks, visitors also got involved in hands-on animation activities, and enjoyed behind-the-scenes tours of the museum’s animation collections with the curatorial team.

Visitors getting hands-on during a collections tour, exploring how a zoetrope produces the illusion of moving images. Photo credit: Nathan Buckley.
A young visitor exploring animation and science at an interactive workshop. Photo credit: Nathan Buckley.

Visitors were delighted by the range of activities offered by ConSciCom and the museum, with lots of families planning to explore the Zooniverse further when they got back home. We were happy to share ConSciCom T-shirts and bags with their Science Gossip logo: wear them as proudly as we do!

Hannah posing in one of our beautiful ConSciCom T-shirts. Photo credit: Catherine Charlwood.

We would like to extend a massive thank you to Geoff, Sydney, Gin, Nora, Fiona, and all of the team at the National Science and Media Museum in Bradford who made it such an inspiring day. To all the fantastic visitors who came to animate, classify, and explore citizen science – we hope you enjoyed it as much as we did!

Between Rhyme and Reason: Don Paterson & Citizen Science

On 7th February 2019, the Royal Society hosted a joint event between the Royal Society, ConSciCom and the Royal Society of Literature. It was a chance to hear our Poet in Residence, Don Paterson, read some of the original work he produced for the project, as well as his discussions with leading geneticist Professor Veronica Van Heyningen CBE FRS FMedSci.

You can listen to an audio recording of the event, Between Rhyme and Reason, here.

 

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Poet, Prof Don Paterson, and scientist, Prof Veronica Van Heyningen, discuss the ways in which their professions meet

 

Away from labs and fieldwork, scientific theories have long been interpreted and creatively portrayed by the arts. The advancement of technology and increasingly specialised science have made this collaboration more challenging. However, the emergence of citizen science, as well as the burgeoning partnership between art and science, is providing an exciting way forward.

Listen to a conversation between Professor Veronica Van Heyningen CBE FRS FMedSci and award-winning poet Don Paterson OBE FRSL to discuss where science and poetry meet.

Before the discussion, Don Paterson performs poetry from his role as poet in residence on the Constructing Scientific Communities project, based at the University of Oxford, which is run in partnership with the Royal Society. Don is accompanied by acclaimed guitarist Graeme Stephen.

This event was hosted in partnership with the Royal Society of Literature.

 

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Don Paterson and Graeme Stephen captivate the audience beneath some of Darwin’s most famous words

 

 

Event – People Powered Science Day

SCIENCE GOSSIP CELEBRATION

9 March 2019
The National Science and Media Museum, Bradford

Science Gossip Logo

It’s British Science Week, and we’re celebrating with a fun-packed, thought-provoking day of activities, talks and demos for all the family.

Join us throughout the day to try your hand at becoming a scientist or animator, listen to inspiring talks, and take a look behind the scenes of our collection.

Find all the details here!

Science, Medicine and Culture in the Nineteenth Century Seminars in Hilary Term 2019

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Tuesday 29 January 2019 (Week 3)

Prof Anne-Julia Zwierlein, University of Regensburg

Monstrous Voices: (Female) Speaking Automata, Mind Science and Mass Mediation in Late-Nineteenth-Century British Fiction

The prelude to my talk sketches our ongoing DFG funded research project on ‘Lecturing Females: Oral Performances, Gender and Sensationalism in Metropolitan Lecturing Institutions and Mass Print Culture, 1860-1910’. Selecting one of the project’s central aspects, Victorian oratory and elocution and the question of vocal sound as the social-material dimension of human language, I then present a literary case study by (briefly) tracing the historical trajectory of monstrous/automatic voices in physiological psychology, sound technology, and Gothic and realist fiction from the mid-nineteenth century to the fin de siècle. Examining how in the context of the new modernity of mass mediation, sonic monstrosity (technologically or hypnotically induced) came to be theorised as a co-creation between performer, subject, and audience/readership who function as ‘sounding board’, the talk ends by revisiting some late-nineteenth-century feminist autobiographical accounts and suffrage novels/short stories which deployed representations of public speech acts as the climax of their conversion narratives. (Female) surrendered agency and mesmeric/spiritualist trance are here replaced by the performative channelling of a disembodied female collectivity, and a Gothic device – the chthonic, ghostly or automatized voice – is transformed into a vehicle of empowerment and (political) resonance.

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College

 

Tuesday 12 February 2019 (Week 5)

Dr Ushashi Dasgupta, University of Oxford

Dickens’s Loneliness

‘The little bustling, active, cheerful creature, existed entirely within herself, talked to herself, made a confidante of herself’. The ‘cheerful creature’ is Miss La Creevy, who paints portraits and lets London lodgings for a living: she is a minor character in Dickens’s Nicholas Nickleby. Dickens was drawn to lonely characters like Miss La Creevy. This paper introduces them, and explores the ways in which Dickens negotiated the boundaries between solitude and loneliness over the course of his career. It will attempt to answer some of the following questions: what is the history of this emotion, is it a pathology, and how does literature work to define it? Do certain spaces or ways of living make us lonely? What is the relationship between geography, feeling, and health?

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College


Wednesday 27 February 2019 (Week 7)

Professor Gowan Dawson, University of Leicester

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‘A Monkey into a Man’: Thomas Henry Huxley, Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins and the Making of an Evolutionary Icon

The frontispiece to Thomas Henry Huxley’s Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature (1863), showing a sequence of primate skeletons becoming successively taller and more erect before finally reaching the upright human form, is one of the most iconic visual representations of evolution.  This paper will explore the personal tensions and intellectual conflicts amidst which the famous frontispiece was created, revealing the festering antagonism between Huxley and the artist Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins which makes the image far stranger and more ambiguous than has previously been recognized.

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College

Drinks will be served after each seminar. All welcome, no booking required.

 

Discovering Killer Plants

Dr Kira Allman filmed and edited this video with Dr Chris Thorogood of the University of Oxford’s Botanic Garden. With nearly 6,000 species of plant living in the botanic garden, Chris here focuses on perhaps the most dramatic ones: those which kill.

How did nineteenth century scientists and writers make sense of carnivorous plants? Where is the line between fact and fiction? How does a carnivorous plant work? Dr. Chris Thorogood of Oxford University’s Botanic Garden answers these questions and more in this mini-documentary!

Science, Medicine and Culture in the Nineteenth Century Seminars in Michaelmas Term 2018

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Tuesday 23 October 2018 (Week 3)

 Dr Lauren Weiss and Prof Kirstie Blair, University of Strathclyde

 Science and the Mutual Improvement Society

Victorian Britain had hundreds, if not thousands, of societies devoted to the cause of self-improvement, many populated by aspiring working-class men (and, later in the century, women). Scientific discussion and debate was very important to these associations. This talk will focus on the little-known archive of their meetings records and the magazines that they produced, showing that these give us significant insight into how, why, and when societies discussed key scientific debates and development, and the ways in which scientific education was perceived as vital to the cause of mutual improvement.

This talk is delivered by Dr Lauren Weiss, whose PhD and postdoctoral research has focused on literary societies and mutual improvement magazines, and Prof Kirstie Blair, whose current research is focused on Scottish and Northern working-class literature and culture.

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College

 

Wednesday 7 November 2018 (Week 5)

Dr Imogen Goold, University of Oxford and Dr Catherine Kelly, University of Bristol

Psychiatric Injury and the Hysterical Woman

In this paper, we examine the development of the English courts’ approach to negligently-inflicted psychiatric injury claims from an historical perspective, first tracing the development of the English court’s approach to psychiatric injury claims. We then offer an overview of how mental injury has been understood over the past two centuries, and the notion of the hysterical woman within this framework. We posit the idea that the current law can be best understood as a sympathetic reaction to the notion of the ‘hysterical woman’. We argue that this approach can both explain the early resistance to recognising such claims, but also the enthusiasm for compensation in others. We further argue that the rather confused and conflicting approaches in English law can be understood as a result of the lack of a clearly developed normative basis for compensation. This failure, we suggest, has arisen as a result of the reactive nature of the way in which the law has developed, which has undermined the courts’ development of a more ethically coherent and reasoned approach. We argue that an understanding of the background to the current law can aid in improving the coherency of this area of law in the future.

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College

 

Tuesday 20 November 2018 (Week 7)

Dr Megan Coyer, University of Glasgow

Literature and Medicine in the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press: The Literary Doctor in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine

In the early nineteenth century, Edinburgh was the leading centre of medical education and research in Britain. It also laid claim to a thriving periodical culture. This paper explores the relationship between the medical culture of Romantic-era Scotland and the periodical press by examining the work of two key medically-trained contributors to Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, the most influential and innovative literary periodical of the era. I argue that the Romantic periodical press cultivated innovative ideologies, discourses, and literary forms that both reflected and shaped medical culture in the nineteenth century. In the case of Blackwood’s, the magazine’s distinctive Romantic ideology and experimental form enabled the development of an overtly ‘literary’ and humanistic popular medical culture, which participated in a wider critique of liberal Whig ideology in post-Enlightenment Scotland. The construction of the surgeon, sentimental poet, and prolific Blackwoodian contributor, David Macbeth Moir (1798–1851), as a literary surgeon within the magazine is briefly examined. Samuel Warren’s seminal series, Passages from the Diary of a Late Physician (1830–37), is then read in its vexed original publishing context – the ideologically charged popular periodical press – in terms of its inception and reception, as well as its initiation of a new genre of popular medical writing. The paper concludes by reflecting upon the need to further situate the writings and reception of nineteenth-century literary doctors in relation to specific cultural and textual contexts to unpack both the history of medical humanism and the broader relationship between medical and literary cultures during this period.

5.30—7.00, Seminar Room 3, St Anne’s College

 

Drinks will be served after each seminar. All welcome, no booking required.

Image Credit: Wellcome Collection

The Doctor (1832-7)

The Doctor – later styled as The New Doctor – was a general medical weekly aimed at lay readers. Edited by Mr. George Shipman, a London surgeon and general practitioner, the journal sought to provide accessible advice on medical matters and was a vehicle for self-promotion.

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The cover of The New Doctor (1835).

It featured a range of clinical and health-related content, with articles spanning feigned diseases, the pros and cons of drinking hot chocolate, the practice of child-rearing, and the advantages of exercise. Shipman also intervened in more politicised medical matters, commenting on nepotism in hospital appointments and corruption among the Royal Colleges. An advocate for medical reform, he celebrated the skills of the low-status general practitioner over those of the ‘pure’ surgeons and physicians who made up the medical elite. The journal also featured non-medical content with popular appeal, printing articles on foreign travel such as ‘The Great Earthquake at Lisbon’ (25 Oct 1837) and ‘The Colony of Sierra Leone’ (18 Oct 1837).

At the end of each edition was a section entitled ‘Answers to Correspondents’ (later ‘Answers to Invalids and Correspondents’ and then ‘To Correspondents’), where Shipman dispensed advice to readers, both named and anonymous. He clarified that there was no fee for these responses, unless people wanted private correspondence. Nevertheless, he often used his published replies as an opportunity for self-advertisement, urging readers to take his medicines or consult him privately. The journal typically closed with advertisements for his own remedies – such as The Doctor’s Family Medicines or The Doctor’s Stomach Pills – and his practice. Shipman advised readers that they could consult the Editor on certain weekday evenings (for half-a-crown in 1835) but that the very poor could be seen gratis on Sunday mornings. The costs and timings altered slightly over the journal’s time in print.

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An advert for Shipman’s consultation times.

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Adverts for The Doctor’s remedies.

Writing in the British Medical Journal in 1925, Victor J. Plarr (the Librarian of the Royal College of Surgeons) commented that Shipman was ‘emphatically what would be now regarded as an advertising quack’, keenly highlighting the medical advances and social strides made by the profession over the previous century. He characterised the domestic medicine of Shipman’s journal as ‘nearly medieval’, and presented The New Doctor as ‘An Early Victorian Medical Journal’, representing it as an archetypical publication from medicine’s pre-modern past. [1] Historians W.F. Bynum and Janice C. Wilson contend that ‘Shipman was no quack, simply a general practitioner with fairly down-market aspirations’.[2] He was a qualified practitioner, a Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, and sought to distance himself from more disreputable quacks; at one point he printed a scathing piece about public credulity in Morison’s Pills.

Nevertheless, it seems Shipman’s editorial efforts were motivated by financial considerations and that he was in a vulnerable position. In 1837, his name appeared among a list of prisoners petitioning The Court for Relief of Insolvent Debtors.[3] This was not an isolated case – Alannah Tomkins’s recent book Medical Misadventure explores the prevalence of financial failure among medical practitioners at this time.[4]

As Michael Harris identifies,  The Doctor’s  ‘emphasis on self-help diagnosis and treatment’ suggests that it was intended for ‘a mainly working-class audience’,[5] readers who might not be able to afford a doctor’s fee but who might consider themselves above the workhouse infirmary or dispensary. The way in which The Doctor was marketed as a ‘penny magazine’ suggests it sought to place itself among easily affordable and readable periodical literature. (By 1835 it was priced at three-halfpence.) Yet its subtitle also described itself as ‘Medical, Philosophical, and Literary’ in character, suggesting it wished to portray itself as more cerebral than sensational.

The journal also presented itself as a useful resource for anyone who might be out of the reach of professional medical care. In 1837, The Doctor commenced an (almost) weekly series of articles entitled ‘The Village Practitioner’. The preface to this feature noted that,

[i]n remote districts, far removed from medical advice, our publication is in many instances the only guide which is to be readily found, by which the true nature of disease is ascertained, and appropriate medicines are pointed out.[6]

The series encompassed articles on complaints as diverse as fever, inflammation of the bowels, smallpox, and rheumatism. The preface suggests that the series was intended for lay people who were unable to access a practitioner but who felt responsible for the healthcare of others. There was a long tradition of home treatments, as epitomised by Thomas John Graham’s popular book Modern Domestic Medicine (1827).

In 1835, the journal began subtitling itself as a ‘Family Journal of Health’ and from 1836 the journal specifically pitched itself as ‘Adapted for the Use of Clergymen, Heads of Families, Nurses’. The emphasis on domesticity and positions of authority was perhaps intended to convey that The Doctor was a reputable publication with a respectable readership. The New Doctor marketed itself as intended for ‘All Classes of Society’, presumably a strategy to assure working-class readers of both its accessibility and credibility. Ultimately, Shipman’s journal advocated self-help but not self-sufficiency, exposing his readers to advertisements for his own services, a practice that was becoming increasingly anathema to mainstream, professionalised medicine.

All images are from The New Doctor, 9 September 1835 (photographed in the Wellcome Library).

[1] Victor G. Plarr, ‘An Early Victorian Medical Journal’, BMJ, 13 June 1925, p. 1101.

[2] W.F. Bynum and Janice C. Wilson, ‘Periodical Knowledge: Medical Journals and their Editors in Nineteenth-Century Britain’, in Medical Journals and Medical Knowledge, ed. by Bynum, Stephen Lock and Roy Porter (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 29-44 (p. 42).

[3] ‘The Court for Relief of Insolvent Debtors’, London Gazette, 21 March 1837, pp. 799-800 (p. 799).

[4] Alannah Tomkins, Medical Misadventure in an Age of Professionalisation, 1780–1890 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017).

[5] Michael Harris, ‘Social Diseases? Crime and Medicine in the Victorian Press’, in Medical Journals and Medical Knowledge, pp. 108-25 (p. 109).

[6]‘The Village Practitioner’, The Doctor, 8 March 1837, p. 180.

The Genius of Accidents – Jet Streams

Listen to Keith Moore, Head of Library and Information Services from the Royal Society and Professor Sally Shuttleworth, project PI talking on Radio 4 last week on the eruption of Krakatoa in 1883.

Before the eruption of Krakatoa in 1883, nobody knew about the invisible streams of air in the middle atmosphere that are important for air travel and meteorology. Adam Hart explores the archives of the Royal Society in London to reveal a story of how global observations of the atmospheric effects caused by the ejected smoke from Krakatoa unexpectedly revealed the presence of the jet streams.

Listen here https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b0bc6hh0

Sarat Kumar Mullick (?-1924)

Sarat K. Mullick was a medical man who practised in England and India, and who passionately campaigned for medical reforms in India and for rights and respect to be given to Indian practitioners and the public.

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Mullick’s obituary in the BMJ (1925).

Little is written about Mullick’s early life, though comments in the medical press suggest that he came from Bengal. He was educated at Calcutta University and at some point moved to Britain, where he was trained at St Mary’s Hospital and qualified through the University of Edinburgh. By the 1890s Mullick was working as Assistant Physician to the National Hospital for Heart and Paralysis in Soho-square, and by 1900, he was Assistant Physician to the Hospital of St Francis in London.

Medical reform appears to have been his principal concern, but he was also interested in clinical matters. He was active in the British Medical Association’s (BMA) sections of Tropical Diseases; Pharmacology and Therapeutics; and Medicine. BMA proceedings show him commenting on matters ranging from influenza and the nervous system,[1] to sprue (a malabsorption disease of the gastrointestinal tract).[2] He seems to have been particularly invested in dietetics. In 1900 he took part in discussions on ‘Diet in the Treatment of Disease’. He advocated a ‘dietetic ladder’ by which gastric invalids could be ‘raised by degrees to full diet, without undue strain on digestion’.[3] He also agreed with some of his colleagues that the ‘greatest of modern ills was excessive drinking and eating’.[4]

Mullick published some of his clinical observations. In 1899, the BMJ featured his article on tropical diseases which might be encountered in general practice in England, including malaria, dysentery and hepatitis.[5]

In the medical press and the BMA, Mullick was an outspoken campaigner. In 1898 he wrote to the Lancet to challenge its coverage of plague measures in India. Significantly, he accused the journal of misrepresenting Indian people. He insisted that they did not resist legitimate measures and pointed to their own practices of disinfection, isolation and inoculation. He countered,

What [the Indian people] really object to (and what self-respecting nation would not?) is the arbitrary and high-handed manner in which the orders of the Government are executed […] it is a notorious fact that the feelings of the people were grievously trampled upon.[6]

His letter further emphasised that the English public had resisted public health measures such as vaccination for smallpox.

Mullick also campaigned for a system of medical registration to be introduced to India, in the interests of patients and practitioners. At the 1899 BMA meeting, he said registration was needed to ‘protect the public from the mischievous machinations of charlatans’ and he called upon the Association to do ‘all in its power’ to bring about change. The motion was ‘carried unanimously’.[7] However, he felt the need to put forward a similar motion at the 1901 meeting; this time it was withdrawn due to opposition which emphasised the supposed obstacles to registration being successfully introduced.[8]

During this time, Mullick also called for greater opportunities for medical men of Indian descent. At the BMA’s 1899 meeting, he put forward a resolution on behalf of a colleague (Dr T.M. Nair) who was unable to leave India. The resolution complained that civil appointments in India were monopolised by the Indian Medical Service (IMS), and called for them to be thrown open to competition.[9] A year later, Mullick put forward his own motion, which protested against the system by which IMS officials were appointed as professorial chairs in India’s medical colleges based on rank. He said this nepotism was ‘prejudicial to the interest of medical education and sanitation’ and was ‘a sinister bar to the advancement of original research in India’. He called for an inquiry to investigate.[10]

The matter was referred to the BMA’s Indian Military Medical Services Committee, which pushed Mullick to produce evidence to substantiate his controversial claims. The Committee endorsed the position of Surgeon-General Harvey (Director-General of the IMS), who contested Mullick’s remarks. Drawing on common imperialist rhetoric, Harvey maintained that the IMS was ‘open to all natives who choose to compete’ (by taking the London-based examinations) but that it ‘would be most undesirable to open it to men who have never left India, and are ignorant of Western manners and modes of thought’.[11]

In 1901, Mullick wrote to the BMJ attacking the Committee – led by James Barr (later President of the BMA) – for its failure to engage with his evidence. He suggested that the Committee was ‘utterly unfit to deal with such an important question’.[12] When the Committee sought to discredit his claims, Mullick lambasted Barr for sharing his evidence publicly rather than treating it confidentially. Mullick insisted he did ‘not care a jot or tittle for the personal attacks which ha[d] been made’ on him, but emphasised the importance of protecting whistleblowers and called for a system of ‘fair play’ for the men of India. Mullick disputed Harvey’s claims that the IMS was fairly open to Indian-born men. Slamming this ‘old fallacy’, he pointed out that Harvey

wisely omits the facts that the Indians have to leave their homes, have to risk the dangers and expense of a long and perilous sea voyage to England, and have to compete in a foreign language with men who are in their own homes, who have received the same training as their examiners, and whose mother tongue is the vehicle of examination. How would the Englishman feel if, in order to serve in England he had to find the money to go to India, to separate himself from all that is near and dear to him, to live in exile in an inhospitable climate amongst a strange people differing from him as the poles asunder, and then compete in an Indian language on the off-chance of being successful.[13]

Mullick also wrote to the Lancet and Indian Medical Record with these claims. In similar language, he described how Indians who travelled to the metropole would ‘risk the perils of the deep, leave their hearth and home, and everything that is near and dear to them, to spend a number of years in an inhospitable climate’.[14] In these letters, Mullick shrewdly reversed the trope of British men leaving their domestic comforts to work in a hostile tropical climate.

In response to this criticism, Barr derided Mullick’s evidence as insubstantial and baseless: ‘I should now like to know what “code of honour,” if any, written or unwritten, regulates Dr. Mullick’s conduct’, he wrote in the BMJ. Barr’s rejoinder was underpinned by racist attitudes, as he accused Mullick’s proposals of benefiting none but ‘a few imperfectly-educated Indian medical men who had never left their native country’.[15]

Despite facing such condescension, Mullick continued to agitate for the rights of his Indian colleagues. In 1901, he moved that graduates and licentiates of Indian universities should be eligible for regular membership of the BMA. He bemoaned the fact that the Indian Branches were dominated by a handful of army doctors who were not representative of Indian medical communities. Since the Metropolitan Branch had rejected his motion, he wrote to the BMJ to appeal to a wider body of BMA members. He argued that the inclusion of Indian qualified practitioners ‘would increase the prestige and purpose of the Association by spreading that esprit de corps which is such a potent factor in keeping our profession pure’.[16]

By 1902, the Lancet reported that Mullick had returned to India, where he had been lecturing in Mysore among other places. The column commended him for giving ‘good advice’ to young Indians, urging them to travel and see England. He also counselled them that it was possible to ‘live as vegetarians and total abstainers’, indicating his continued interest in dietetics. The column referred to Mullick’s campaigning activities, noting that – during the past summer – he had ‘strongly advocated the claims of native medical men’ to certain posts in India.[17]

Hereafter, Mullick lived and worked in India, where he became Secretary of the Bengali Regiment Committee. His BMJ obituary would later brand him an ‘ardent advocate of military service’ in Bengal.[18] During the First World War, he raised the Bengali Ambulance Corps, which served in Mesopotamia. He also helped induce the Government to enrol a Bengali battalion for combatant service. Mullick became President of the Indian Territorial Force Committee.

During the course of his rich and varied career, Mullick gradually won recognition. In 1914 he was appointed to the Bengal Council of Medical Registration.[19] (Medical registration was introduced to Bengal in 1912 and extended to other Presidencies in 1914.) In 1918, Mullick was also awarded a CBE for his wartime work.[20] In his final decades he was professor of medicine and clinical medicine at the National Medical College of India, and physician to the King’s Hospital in Calcutta. He also edited the Medical and Surgical Journal of the Tropics. When he died from pneumonia in 1924, the BMJ proclaimed him ‘one of the leading medical men in Calcutta’ and described how he had taken ‘a leading part in medical politics in India’.[21] Despite earlier attempts to discredit and undermine him, this passionate advocate had at last secured his standing among the British and Indian medical communities.

[1] ‘Sixty-Eighth Annual Meeting of the BMA: Proceedings of Section: Section of Medicine: A Discussion on Influenza as it Affects the Nervous System’, BMJ, 29 September 1900, pp. 877-85 (p. 882).

[2] ‘Sixty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the BMA: Proceedings of Sections: Section of Tropical Disease: A Discussion on Psilosis or Sprue’, BMJ, 9 September 1899, pp. 637-42 (p. 641).

[3] ‘The British Medical Association: The Sections: Pharmacology and Therapeutics’, Lancet, 18 August 1900, pp. 514-5 (p. 514).

[4] ‘Section of Pharmacology and Therapeutics: A Discussion on Diet in the Treatment of Disease’, BMJ, 13 October 1900, pp. 1081-2 (p. 1081).

[5] Sarat K. Mullick, ‘Some of the More Common Forms of Tropical Diseases Met with in General Practice in England’, BMJ, 9 September 1899, pp. 659-60.

[6] Mullick, ‘Correspondence: The Plague in India’, Lancet, 5 November 1898, pp. 1227-8.

[7] ‘The British Medical Association: The General Meetings: The First General Meeting’, Lancet, 5 August 1899, pp. 372-3 (p. 373).

[8] ‘The British Medical Association: The General Meetings: The Third General Meeting’, Lancet, 17 August 1901, pp. 465-6 (p. 466).

[9] ‘Sixty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the BMA’, BMJ, 5 August 1899, pp. 365-71 (p. 368). For more on the history of the IMS, see Mark Harrison, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive Medicine, 1859-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 6-35.

[10] ‘British Medical Association: Notices of Motion’, BMJ, 21 July 1900, pp. 196-7 (p. 196).

[11] Robert Harvey, ‘The Indian Medical Service’, BMJ, 14 September 1901, pp. 720-22 (p. 721).

[12] Mullick, ‘Correspondence: Indian Medical Reform and the British Medical Association’, BMJ, 20 July 1901, p. 182.

[13] Mullick, ‘Correspondence: Indian Medical Reform and the British Medical Association’, BMJ, 14 September 1901, pp. 745-6 (p. 746).

[14] Mullick, ‘Correspondence: The Indian Medical Profession’, Lancet, 13 April 1901, pp. 1105-6 (p. 1106).

[15] James Barr, ‘Correspondence: Dr. Sarat K. Mullick and Indian Medical Reform’, BMJ, 5 October 1901, pp. 1013-14.

[16] Mullick, ‘Correspondence: The Report of the Constitution Committee: Indian Practitioners and Membership of the Association’, BMJ, 27 April 1901, p. 1052.

[17] ‘Notes from India’, Lancet, 11 January 1902, pp. 122-3.

[18] ‘Dr. Sarat Kumar Mullick’, BMJ, 3 January 1925, p. 53.

[19] ‘The Bengal Medical Council’, Lancet, 21 November 1914, p. 1216.

[20] ‘New Year Honours’, BMJ, 12 January 1918, p. 67.

[21] ‘Dr. Sarat Kumar Mullick’, p. 53.